Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa took office in 2006, vowing to write a new constitution. If a new constitution were to be ratified, it would be the 20th time the country has adopted a new constitution since its independence in 1830. Constitutional change is commonplace – in fact, former President José María Velasco Ibarra went so far as to completely abolish the constitutions of 1935, 1946, and 1970, claiming that they “limited the general will of the people.” While President Correa has not made identical claims, he does appear to be echoing Velasco Ibarra’s populist rhetoric in regards to the new constitution.
One example of Correa’s populist underpinnings is his claim that the Constitutional Assembly currently drafting the new constitution will “wrest power” from the “corrupt elite.” Populism in Ecuador has been characterized by a significant “demonization” of the opposition, whether they are specific political rivals or “the oligarchy” in general. In proposing yet another constitution, Correa claims to be bettering the situation of “the people,” whose concerns and interests he allegedly to embodies.
However, it appears that “the people” have some significant doubts as to whether Correa is actually representing them. In April 2006, when citizens voted on the referendum to create a Constitutional Assembly, the proposal for a new constitution was supported by 82% of all voters. By November 30, approval ratings for the new constitution had fallen to 62%, and continued to fall through the new year. Current polls show that only 38% of individuals favor the writing of a new assembly by the Constitutional Assembly.
This decrease in support from “the people” may be due to the lack of actual representation present in the creation of the new constitution. In the 2006 election, no representatives from President Correa’s party won seats in the (now disbanded) legislature. However, on the September 30 election for the 130 assembly members, Correa’s supporters won 80 seats, and 69% of the vote. With more than a simple majority holding power in the Assembly, Correa has little interest or incentive to cooperate or reach a consensus with opponents.
Still, the referendum to ratify the new constitution must be held in a nation-wide vote, and the decreasing approval ratings seem to foreshadow a similar fate for Correa’s constitution as that experienced by Chavez’s recently failed referendum. In order to enact significant, representative change, Correa must drop his populist rhetoric, and embrace the necessity of dialogue and compromise with the opposition. Otherwise he may be the 9th president in the past 11 years to fail to complete a full four-year term.
1 response so far ↓
monicapachon // March 5, 2008 at 7:28 am
Very good post!
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